The cricket factor in Indian politics

Tell anyone outside the British Commonwealth that a couple billion people are currently ridden by World Cup fever, and you are likely to be met with a puzzled stare. For most of the world, the World Cup is a football (soccer) tournament that took place in Qatar last year and will not occur again until 2026 in North America. But for the rest of us – most notably, the nearly two billion people of the Indian subcontinent – the men’s cricket World Cup taking place in India right now is what really matters.

The tournament began on October 5, with a match featuring the two finalists from the 2019 World Cup in England. The loser then, New Zealand, exacted revenge, steamrolling England at the cavernous Narendra Modi Stadium in Ahmedabad, which – thanks to the dominance of the stadium’s namesake and Indian prime minister – is widely viewed as India’s new cricket capital. Modi himself is expected to attend the final there on November 19.

As Modi prepares to seek a third term in next year’s general election, his plan to put himself and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) center-stage at the final of India’s most popular event is a calculated political move. An Indian victory in the World Cup final would cap off a string of recent international successes – including the landing in August of a lunar rover on the Moon’s south pole and the September G20 summit – thereby reinforcing Modi’s narrative of national resurgence. (India is a favourite to win, but the competition at this marquee event is always intense.)

For decades, Indian politicians have recognised that associating themselves with cricket wins votes. As a result, there are close ties between Indian politics and the cricket bureaucracy. Jay Shah – the all-powerful secretary of the sport’s governing body, the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) – is the son of the country’s second-most-powerful politician, Modi’s strongman home minister, Amit Shah. Modi’s late finance minister, Arun Jaitley, was Delhi’s top cricket administrator. Following Jaitley’s death, the national capital’s principal cricket stadium was renamed for him. Modi himself used to head the cricket association in his home state of Gujarat.

Beyond votes, there is a great deal of money – and thus global clout – in cricket. India is said to account for some 90 per cent of the game’s global revenues, dwarfing the older and more established cricket-playing countries. And with annual revenues of $771 million in 2021-22, the BCCI is the world’s richest cricket organisation.

India also pioneered the Twenty20 (T20) revolution in world cricket, drawing an even bigger audience with an abbreviated (three-hour) version of the game. T20 is now the most profitable form of cricket, with the hugely popular Indian Premier League (IPL) attracting the world’s best players with multi-million-dollar contracts, which are made possible by the lucrative sponsorships supported by India’s vast television audience. The BCCI’s last five-year deal for IPL rights amounted to $6.2 billion.

As the World Cup gets underway, Indian equities are already booming. A Bloomberg index of stocks associated with the tournament went up 20 per cent in the three months before the event began. Air fares to cities where India is scheduled to play have doubled on match days, and fares to Ahmedabad have shot up by 415 per cent. All told, the World Cup could boost the economy by as much as $2.6 billion.

India’s financial dominance in cricket brings with it disproportionate influence over the sport globally. Jaitley once told me that India’s clout in the International Cricket Council (ICC), the game’s global governing body, was akin to the influence of the United States in the United Nations Security Council.

The BCCI has been able to shape world cricket’s timetables according to India’s interests, especially by guaranteeing a window for the IPL when all players would be available. It has an outsize say in international discussions on future planning, on the sport’s evolving rules, and on the distribution of global revenues. India will get 38.5 per cent of the ICC’s most recent $3 billion media-rights deal.

Likewise, when India refused to send its players to Pakistan to participate in this year’s Asia Cup, the Pakistani cricket board had no choice but to acquiesce to India’s demand that most of the matches be moved to Sri Lanka. Pakistan remained the tournament’s host country, but only nominally.

Shashi Tharoor, a former UN under-secretary-general and former Indian Minister of State for External Affairs and Minister of State for Human Resource Development, is an MP for the Indian National Congress. He is the author, most recently, of Ambedkar: A Life (Aleph Book Company, 2022).