The real dividing line in Israel-Palestine

The barbarism that Hamas has unleashed on Israel should be condemned unconditionally, with no “ifs” or “buts.” The massacres, rapes, and abductions of civilians from villages, kibbutzim, and a music festival was a pogrom. That said, the situation demands historical context – not as any kind of justification, but for the sake of clarity about the way forward.

A first consideration is the absolute despair that characterises the lives of most Palestinians. Recall the spate of isolated suicidal attacks on the streets of Jerusalem around a decade ago. An ordinary Palestinian would approach a Jew, pull out a knife, and stab the victim, knowing full well that he or she would be immediately killed. There was no message in these “terrorist” acts, no shouts of “Free Palestine!” Nor was there any larger organisation behind them. They were just individual acts of violent despair.

Things took a turn for the worse when Benjamin Netanyahu formed a new government by allying with far-right, pro-settler parties that openly advocate annexation of Palestinian territories in the West Bank. The new minister of national security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, believes that, “My right, my wife’s right, my kids’ right to move around freely [in the West Bank] is more important than that of the Arabs.” This is a man who was previously barred from army service, owing to his affiliations with extremist anti-Arab parties that had been designated as terrorist organisations following the 1994 massacre of Arabs in Hebron.

After long boasting of its status as the only democracy in the Middle East, Israel under Netanyahu’s current government is morphing into a theocratic state. The current government’s list of “basic principles” states that: “The Jewish people have an exclusive and inalienable right to all parts of the Land of Israel. The government will promote and develop the settlement of all parts of the Land of Israel – in the Galilee, the Negev, the Golan and Judea and Samaria.”

In the face of such commitments, it is absurd to reproach Palestinians for refusing to negotiate with Israel. The current government’s own official programme takes negotiations off the table.

Some conspiracy theorists will insist that the Netanyahu government must have known some kind of attack was coming, given the strength of Israel’s surveillance and intelligence-gathering capabilities in Gaza. But while the attack certainly serves the interests of the Israeli hardliners now in power, it also casts doubt on Netanyahu’s claim to be “Mr. Security.”

In any case, it is not hard to see that both sides – Hamas and Israel’s ultra-nationalist government – are against any peace option. Each is committed to a struggle to the death.

The Hamas attack comes at a time of great conflict within Israel, owing to the Netanyahu government’s efforts to gut the judiciary. The country is thus split between nationalist fundamentalists who want to abolish democratic institutions and a civil-society movement that is aware of this threat but reluctant to ally with more moderate Palestinians.

Now, the looming constitutional crisis has been put on hold, and a government of national unity has been announced. It is an old story: Deep and apparently existential internal divisions are suddenly overcome, thanks to a common external enemy.

Must there be an external foe to achieve peace and unity at home? How does one break this vicious cycle?

Slavoj Žižek, Professor of Philosophy at the European Graduate School, is International Director of the Birkbeck Institute for the Humanities at the University of London and the author, most recently, of Heaven in Disorder (OR Books, 2021).